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Pre-War Housing Home Abstract Long Abstract CHAPTER 1 The Effect Of The Cheap Money Policy On Interest Rates The Effect of Cheap Money Policy on the Building Societies and the Banks The Expansion of the Building Societies into the New Suburbs The Position of the Banks in the Building Boom Summary CHAPTER 2 Housing Subsidies and the Housing (Financial Provisions) Act 1933 Rented Accommodation and Council Housing Summary CHAPTER 3 Persuading the Working Classes to Buy Homes The Societies Expand their Position in the Lending Market The 'Code' and the Management of the Building Societies The Tax Position Of Lender and Borrower The Builder's Pool and Mortgage Protection Policies The Over-Supply of Middle-Class Housing and the Added Pressure to Build Low-cost Homes Summary CHAPTER 4 Examples of How Members of the Working Classes became Home Owners Evidence from the New Survey of London on Home Ownership Summary CHAPTER 5 The Evolution of the Speculative Semi Choosing the Style of the House The Better Alternative The Speculative Developers' Estates and the Semi The Design of the Speculative Builders Semi The Style Evolves. The Tudor Walters Report and its Lack of Influence on the Speculative Builder. Layout Plans of the Houses. The Role of the Architect as it Related to the Speculative House. Internal Planning, Services and Fittings. The Moderné House. Summary. CHAPTER 6 The 'Lump' Mass Production. Speculative Builders Piece Work and Jerry Building. Summary Conclusion BIBLIOGRAPHY ART AND SOCIETY IN THE 1930s THE WORKING-CLASS OWNER-OCCUPIED HOUSE OF THE 1930s MODERN HISTORY: M.LITT: HILARY TERM 1998 Alan Crisp M.Litt Oxford Thesis 1998 Email At the end of this thesis is an earlier piece produced for the Open University called ART AND SOCIETY IN THE 1930S AS REFLECTED AND CONDITIONED BY THE PEOPLE OF THE TIME. INTRODUCTION MODERN HISTORY: M.LITT: HILARY TERM 1998. In the United Kingdom, housing policy in the modern sense was born after 1919 when central government began a movement to involve itself actively in the provision of housing for working-class people. Afterwards, 'the role of council housing became one of the major pivots around which other aspects of policy were arranged as opposed to leaving matters to local authorities and private enterprise to determine (1). It was to be a housing programme to combat the problems of the unemployed and to assist with the difficulties of demobilization. It was born in a moment of crisis so that a major housing programme could be a social focal point around which the nation could unite; for in 1919 it was evident that the Government had been 'remarkably successful for the whole length of the war in avoiding any direct considerations of the objects of social policy(2). However at the end of the war social not military matters assumed great importance with the voters. Lloyd George lectured his cabinet that 'Great Britain would hold out against the alarming spread of Bolshevism only if the people were given a sense of confidence, and only if they were made to believe things were being done for them. We had promised them reforms, time and time again, but little has been done. We must give them now the conviction that this time we mean it, and we must give them the conviction quickly'.(3) This was what Swenarton called a "knee jerk" reaction and an ad hoc response to an immediate political crisis.(4) Orbach says that the government was less determined by the question of housing per se than by the uses to which housing could be put for wider political and ideological ends (5). Without financial costing the housing policy was indeed the knee jerk political response Swenarton called it. This political initiative also required that the new houses had to be noticeably better than anything in the past. The political assumption was that the planned economy which had won the war could also provide good state housing which would be superior to that offered by the private sector. The new housing plan provided the perfect panacea, radical but painless as it was not detrimental to the interests of private enterprise nor the organised forces of labour. Against this background Christopher Addison's Act was to be a new beginning in housing offering new homes in a planned manner. The Housing, Town Planning Act of 1919 offered a partnership between the state and local authorities in which was cast an absolute obligation on local authorities to provide new houses to rent (6). In turn the state guaranteed to meet all costs to the local authority above the product of a penny rate, an open-ended agreement soon to be regretted by the Exchequer. There was a need for new houses in 1919 for various reasons. The majority of the existing housing stock, especially in the big cities, was old and many of the properties were in a poor state of repair not only because of their age but as a result of rent control which had limited the supply of income available to landlords to carry our repairs. Offer states that just prior to 1914 the cost of new houses rose as a result of higher building and interest costs. These increases would also effect the cost of repairs to existing properties and make the owning of rent-controlled investment properties unattractive. He takes the view that the housing market collapsed in 1905 and from that moment experienced permanent structural damage rather than a cyclical downturn (7). Daunton reports that 'there was a famine of available empty houses in London, just 27 per 1,000, of which only a small proportion were working-class dwellings (8). The housing shortage was brought about by the collapse of the housing market, the age and state of repair of the existing stock available for letting and distortions brought about by rent control during the war. The majority of the houses available to rent by the lower-paid in 1919 were not only old but their designs and layout were dated. The older houses lacked damp-proof courses and the lathe and plaster used on walls and ceilings deteriorate when damp and provided a home for vermin. In future central government was to 'be the guarantor of both quantity and quality in the housing market' (9). Therefore state intervention was necessary for the continued provision of working-class homes, it was also to be a useful political rallying cry. In the views of both hard-faced reactionaries and kind-hearted reformers the way forward was for the local authorities to build the majority of the new houses required funded by the Exchequer. Money would also be made available to private enterprise to construct homes to rent. However, there were two problems to be overcome before the 500,000 promised homes could be built. The first was that of finance, the second that of labour,-both commodities in short supply. In London in 1920 it was estimated that there were only half of the bricklayers and plasterers needed and materials were also not readily available (10). The provision of finance was equally difficult, as Addison revealed to the cabinet as early as April 1920. Local government was also facing difficulties raising money and in 1920 90% of the London County Council's £7,000,000 Housing Bond had been left with the underwriters (11). A few weeks after Addison's warnings, Austin Chamberlain was to tell the cabinet in May that 'the whole scheme of building houses must come to a standstill for lack of finance' (12). The abandonment of the housing programme in July 1921 when only 170,000 out of the 500,000 houses promised had been built was the end to this immediate post-war state led housing boom. The various housing acts which were to follow in the years after 1921 were designed to improve town planning standards, remove the worst of the slums and offer subsidies to builders and local authorities which would attempt to bridge the gap between the income produced by letting homes and the interest cost of building such dwellings. The problem of housing the lower paid continued during the 1920s a

URL analysis for pre-war-housing.org.uk

http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///evidence-from-the-new-survey-of-london-on-home-ownership.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///summary2.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///the-better-alternative.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///the-code-and-the-management-of-the-building-societies.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///the-speculative-developers-estates-and-the-semi.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///examples-of-how-members-of-the-working-classes-became-home-owners.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///summary1.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///summary3.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///the-lump.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///bibliography.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk//mailto:[email protected]
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///the-expansion-of-the-building-societies-into-the-new-suburbs.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///the-over-supply-of-middle-class-housing-and-the-added-pressure-to-build-low-cost-homes.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///the-position-of-the-banks-in-the-building-boom.html
http://www.pre-war-housing.org.uk///internal-planning-services-and-fittings.html
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